A CHRISTIAN RESPONSE

Lazar Thanuzraj Stanislaus, SVD.

 ...........The approach to Dalits, Tribals and Women are very complex and one sees a hidden script and hidden agenda in approaching them. Understanding the weak, non-people and oppressed people is a dharma to Christianity, hence a brief understanding of Hindutva on these marginalized people are given below.

1. Dalits

From the ideology of the Hindutva, one denotes that the champions of Hindu nationalism, that is, Brahminical communal nationalism wants to continue the Hindu hegemony over others.

The Hindu Rashtra campaign successfully took the social agenda away from the problems of Dalits - the untouchability, poverty, inequality and discrimination. By taking away from their rights and dignity, the Hindutva forces roused an intense campaign to co-opt Dalits into the Hindutva fold, along with this they have started various programmes to impose the Brahminical culture and value systems on them. The complex machinations are being well orchestrated by different groups of the Sangh Parivar.

The Ayodhya movement has lured the Dalit participation in program like attacks on Indian Muslims. The All Hindu Kamandal project is today promoted to woo the Dalits to become Bajrang Dal shakhas for arms training on salaries of Rs.5000 to 10,000 per month. The RSS and VHP leaders remembered the first anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya with the images of Ram and Dr.Ambedkar. These leaders praised Dr.Ambedkar in order to co-opt Ambedkarites into the Brahminical fold. This can be called ‘Brahminization’ process. This has apparently shown that Dalits are part of the Hindu fold and the Sangh Parivar.

For the continuity of power in politics, the Sangh Parivar needs to get the support of the Dalits and Tribals. The assimilation and co-opting process is mainly to hold on to the power and not for any emancipation or equalitarian state. Appointment of Bangaru Laxman as BJP President is seen in this light of co-option, rather than accepting Dalits as equals in the Hindu society.

After 1993, the BJP had to admit low caste people because of their growing political consciousness. Uma Bharati, an OBC woman became the chief of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha. K.N.Govindacharya, a Brahmin was the main advocate of the inclusion of an increasing number of low-caste people at all levels. To continue in power, they have to keep intact their regular vote bank.

Sangh Parivar has indulged in manipulation of Dalits in rural and slum areas. A youth Munnusami Nagar of Chennai stated that the RSS renamed Ambedkar Night School into Hindu Samrajya School. He said, “they taught us to say that RSS is our mother and BJP our father. They also claimed that Ambedkar was a RSS activist and distributed key chains bearing the image of Ambedkar…When bomb blast took place in the RSS office we were offered huge sum of money to spread the rumour that the Muslims were responsible for the blast” (Anandhi, 1995:37). Among the slum dwellers of Chennai, the consistent effort of the RSS is to translate the Hindutva worldview as a popular perception. RSS has also succeeded to intensify Dalits’ identification with collective ‘Hinduness’ as a way of subverting their marginality (Anandhi, 1995:41).

Shankaracharya of Govardhan Peeth in Puri Jagatguru Nishchalandanda Saraswati has stated that ‘low-cost’ temples be built for the Dalits and Tribals who convert from Christianity and Islam. He has advocated that they should not enter the existing Hindu temples and they should not also marry other Hindus. They will have low-cost  Swastika temples dedicated to Lord Ganesh (Indian Express, 9 June, 2000). Hence promoting the separation concept from dominant castes, he has clearly indicated where and how the converted Dalits and Tribals will be in Hindu society.

2. Tribals

In the lexicon of Hindutva, the word adivasis has disappeared. The Sangh Parivar prefers to call them vanvasis (dwellers of forests). By not calling them as Adivasis, an attempt is made to reduce the Tribals to a people without a history. The shift from adi to van is a change from having a history to a spatially fixed location¾forests (Louis, 2000:133). This metamorphosis is the fall out of a deliberate policy of the Sangh to deny the Tribals the status they deserve. The Vanvasi Kalyan Parishad, an affiliated  body of Sangh started in 1952 is part of their plan to rewrite the history. The reason why the Sangh denies Adivasis the status of the original dwellers is that it runs counter to their own Aryans history of a Vedic civilisation of the country, and who dare to be the original inhabitants of the land (Indian Express, 8 March 1998).

There are many initiatives taken for the Hinduisation of Adivasis, the most important being the Ramshila Pujan, Rathyatra of Advani, Ramjyoti and Kar Seva. Adivasis are encouraged to light the fire from Ramjyothi, which was carried by a minirath. Speeches are given to instigate Adivasis to drive out Muslims and Christians from their areas (Pinto, 1995:2417). During the Ramshhila Pujan in 1984, a token collection of Rs. 1.25 was taken from Adivasis by asking them a question: ‘Are you Hindus?’ If you are, then prove it by contributing Rs.1.25 for Ramshila Pujan. If not, then prove that you have come from a Muslim womb!’ (Pinto, 1995:2417). Sangh Parivar and some Adivasi politicians have succeeded in inculcating the Hindutva ideology in the minds of the Adivasis people. Adivasis “have seized the opportunity to embrace Hinduism, which is the religion of the majority and considered to be one of the oldest religions in the world. The adoption of a wider identity is the crux of the matter for the Adivasis, but Hindutva supporters on the other hand are aware of the importance of keeping the Adivasis within the Hindu fold in order to secure Hindu hegemony.” (Patel, 1999: 204).

Hedgewar said that scheduled tribes and scheduled castes should not be put on a pedestal. They should be treated equally (Malkani, 1980:73) By advocating their equality, a denial of their culture and identity is propagated. Activities from Hindu organisations have very systematically used Adivasis politicians, Bhagats, Sarpanchs, Police Patels and some primary school teachers to spread Hindutva ideology and to instigate communal riots. Expulsion and elimination of Muslims was proposed as solution from Adivasis location.

Hindutva activists have founded in most taluka headquarters their shakhas, such as Hindu Milan Mandir, Swaminarayan, Swadhyay, Ram Krishna, Radha Krishna, etc. There are also shakhas of the RSS, VHP, BJP, etc. They all propagate Hinduism and try to convince Adivasis that the latter will benefit from Hinduism.

Moneylenders and forest officials oppressed the Tribals in South Gujarat, especially in the Dang district. They were organised by some leftist groups led by Irfan Engineer and companions, but the Government labelled them as naxalites. The NGOs too pulled out from the area because of Government harassment. Congress party was weak and corrupt and thus they became inefficient in the Tribal belt. Then, the Sangh Parivar organisations entered the area and successfully divided the Tribals as Hindu Adivasis and others. The Sangh Parivar began to co-opt the Hinduised Dalits and Tribals for votes and also made use of them to attack the Christians and Muslims. (Valiamangalam, 2000:7)

When the Tribals are hinduised they are given generally a low caste rank, equivalent to untouchables in society. In South Gujarat, the Haplati or Dubla tribe has been highly hinduised and given a very low caste rank. They mostly work as bonded labourers for the dominant castes like Patidars and Desais. Hindutva forces insist that Tribals are Hindus and keep them as a backward class in society to utilise them for cheap labour.

It is pertinent to deal with the question, ‘Are Tribals Hindus?’ In the revival of Hindu fundamentalism, the Sangh Parivar is trying all its strategies to make others believe that the Tribals are Hindus and goes on with mass conversion drives of Hinduisation of Tribals. John Lakra argues against this claim. He argues that on the basis of religious, cultural, and legal considerations, Tribals are not Hindus. The Hindus have Scriptures like the Srutis, Smritis, the Epics, the Puranas and Darshanas. The Tribals on the other hand have oral traditions in the form of Creation Story, Karam Story, Asur Kahani, etc. The Hindus believe in Nirguna and Saguna Brahman, the Tribes believe in the Supreme Being whom they call Dharmes in Kurukh, Singbonga in Mundari and Ponomosor in Kharia. Besides gods, goddesses are also worshipped by Hindus. But for the Tribal worldview, there is only one Supreme Being and also worship of spirits, ancestor spirits as well as guardian spirits. While the Hindus make pilgrimages to holy places, the Tribals do not have this practice according to their believe system (Lakra, 1999:5-12; Louis, 2000:135-36). Hinduism is based on Varna system on the basis of which the hierarchical system is established. But the Tribal society is divided into different tribes and tribes into clans. There is no superior or inferior among the Tribals. They are egalitarian in ethos. Even constitutionally, the Tribals are different from the caste groups, besides they have a provision for Scheduled Tribes, the Hindu Marriage Act and the Hindu Succession Act make it quite clear that the Tribals are not included within the class to whom the Act applies.  The ploy of the Sangh Parivar is clear to amalgamate all Tribals, their cultures and identity into one umbrella of Hinduism.

3. Women

Understanding the place of women in the Hindutva ideology is very complex. Gender discrimination can be understood only in the concepts of secularism and equality, because the Hindu right seeks to redefine these concepts in accordance with its vision of Hindutva. The Hindu right is seeking to reconstitute women in and through the image of the Hindu nation, and of reconstituting the nation in and through the image of Hindu women.

The Hindu right restates its patriarchal concepts. This assertion of the greater dignity, even the concept of  chaste and good Hindu women covertly substitutes for, and ultimately displaces a demand for equal rights. One comes across several messages from Hindutvawadis. Mridula Sinha, ex-president of BJP Mahila Morcha, in an interview in 1993 stated: a) A woman should not work outside the home unless her family is financially very deprived; b) Give dowry and receive dowry; c) We oppose women’s liberation, as it is another name for ‘loose morals’; d) We oppose equal rights for both sexes; e) There is nothing wrong with domestic violence against women; very often it is women’s fault, we advice women to try and adjust, as her non-adjustment creates the problem; f) Women’s future lies in perpetuating the present, because no where else women are worshipped as we are in India; g) Women’s liberation means liberation from atrocities, it does not mean they should be relieved of their duties as wives and mothers. (Louis, 2000:88). Another ex-President, Vijaya Raje Scindia led a group of women in protest march against ‘anti-sati’ legislation, asserting that “it is the fundamental right of Hindu women to commit sati, as it is in preservation of our past glory and culture.” (Louis, 2000:88).

BJP women leaders like Vijayaraje Scindia  and Mridula Sinha have defended the practice of sati. The VHP woman leader of Krishna Sharma has demanded that women should return to their homes unless they are impelled by dire economic necessity. She has also defended dowry and polygamy as traditional resources and signs of cultural autonomy. The VHP leader Bamdav has also promotes male polygamy and the abolition of divorce among Hindus (Sarkar, 200). It seems that Hindu patriarchy has once again emerged as the embodiment of preferred values. It portrays that  women must forget about gender rights to ensure community supremacy over others.

The film director Deepa Mehta says that the film “Water” tries to show how the Hindu tradition that prohibits re-marriage of widows which leads to their abandoned women flocking to holy places for refuge and eventually to their exploitation. This includes depiction of pushing widows into prostitution. The Hindu fundamentalists did not want this truth to be portrayed. Finally the police officials asked the crew to leave Varanasi on 7^th February 2000. (Indian Currents, 20 February 2000:28)

Sankaracharya Nishchalandanda also has said, woman should not read the Vedas, and they should not be given the right to property because in every situation she lives under the guardianship of a man (Indian Express, 6 June 2000). In Pune, the Rashtriya Swayamsevika Samiti (Women’s wing of the RSS) is disciplining Hindu women into being good mothers, and good wives.

The question is whether this ideology helps women’s empowerment or reflects a manipulated, false constructed consent and intentionality. One cannot write off the gender ideology of the Hindu right as unproblematically fundamentalist despite its overarching conservative patriarch system that are prevalent in society. On the one hand, this has brought them to be activists, to assume public roles; to have more bargaining power within their homes, and to be beyond a purely domestic or feminine identity. At the same time, one notices unabashed fundamentalism in its approach.

Hindutva uses religious imagery, glorifies the ‘golden past’ of rule of Hindu kings, sees women primarily under patriarchal control dictating their way of life, dress code, etc., It co-opts all the sundry religious professionals and personnel’s to strengthen its ideology and political base and it uses religion to evoke sentiments creating national hysteria. (Ram, 115).

Anandhi notes, “the important  agenda of Hindutva has been of projecting in the public the militantly communal woman as a new women by reversing the roles and images of Hindu womanhood. This reversal of roles seem to have equipped the communal woman with a new and empowering self-image” (Anandhi, 1995:37-38). One wonders what is the effect of this transformation in society. Women’s right wing organisation, Surakhsa does not want a revival of Ram Rajya because they feel that Ram Rajya will subjugate women and it would only boost the erstwhile patriarchal norms (The Times of India, 24 January, 2000). Many thinkers say that Hindutva has a ploy to subjugate women, and the equality, dignity and rights of women will be eroded in future.

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